Case Study: Berwick-upon-Tweed, UK
Introduction
The ‘English’ town of Berwick-upon-Tweed has long been associated with the border that demarcates England and Scotland. Currently situated approximately 2.5 miles from the Scottish border, Berwick crucially lies on the north bank (Scottish side) of the river Tweed. Although the town has changed ’sides’ between England and Scotland at least 13 times in its history, remaining under English jurisdiction for the last 500 years, Berwick still remains geographically and culturally curious. Its football team, Berwick Rangers, play in the Scottish, not English, national leagues, and the town is included as a tourist destination in Scottish tourist guides. Indeed in April 2002, the Scottish Borders Tourist Board (SBTB) tried to ‘buy back’ Berwick, claiming that they were willing to reimburse an 840 year old ransom that effectively forced Scotland to hand over Berwick to the English.
The map shows the location of Berwick in relation to the border
Humorous gestures aside, what is intriguing in terms of borderwork: the ability of citizens to participate in the making of borders and the empowerment that can result from this bordering activity, is the capability of Berwick’s inhabitants to be actively, and increasingly, involved in the bordering process. Most visibly, perhaps, some residents of Berwick have questioned the location of the Scottish/English border in relation to the town. A mock referendum conducted in Berwick in 2008, commissioned for a UK television documentary, found that out of those who were polled, 60 per cent favoured a return to Scotland. This followed a poll conducted a week earlier by a local newspaper which found that 78 per cent of participating readers wanted Berwick to relocate north of the border. The resulting media interest surrounding the mock referendum stimulated Nationalist MSP Christine Grahame to lodge a motion in the Scottish parliament urging people in Berwick to ‘return to the fold’, placing primacy on the residents themselves to reposition the border.
However, reducing the relationship that undoubtedly exists between Berwick and the English/Scottish border to simple geography may be damagingly over simplistic in relation to the borderwork project. Perhaps less visibly, Berwick is networked to the extent that it reaches beyond the border, thus reformulating the relationship between the town and its residents, between the town and its surrounding locality, and crucially between Berwick and the national border. In other words the border may be something more than a simple geographical demarcation between England and Scotland, becoming instead the tissue that connects Berwick to a landscape that extends ‘out there’, having in turn many possible ramifications for the town and its residents in terms of identity construction. The extent to which the residents of Berwick use and/or negate the border in this way is integral to the borderwork project.
This report will describe and evaluate data collected from local newspapers, local council meetings, web pages from local interest, media and entertainment groups as well as other web based sources, in order to approach the following questions:
1) To what extent is borderwork in Berwick inspired by nationalism?
2) To what extent is Berwick located in transnational networks, and what relevance does this have to the border?
3) In terms of borderwork, what is the nature of the relationship between Berwick (and its residents), and the border?
The first section will evaluate media reports concerning the location of Berwick in relation to the English/Scottish border, and try to uncover arguments and rationales behind those advocating the border to be relocated south of Berwick on the one hand, and those happy for the border to remain ‘fixed’, on the other. The second section will look at other, subtler, forms of borderwork activity that may contradict the nationalist element. In other words new opportunities for bordering that arise out of Berwick’s involvement in transnational networks will be described and evaluated. The third section will offer an overview of all the data collected thus far and, in relation to borderwork, seek to propose possible new avenues of study and research.
Borderwork inspired by nationalism
On the 18th and 19th of February 2008 respectively, the television programme Tonight, produced by ITV, broadcast the eagerly awaited results of a mock referendum held in Berwick, under the conspicuous heading ‘England v Scotland’. In this respect at least, the resulting media interest placed Berwick and its relationship to the border in the political spotlight. It was one of the reasons that Berwick came to the attention of the borderwork project, and provided an initial avenue of enquiry in to how the residents of Berwick could be engaged in bordering activity. In other words, it seemed some of the residents of Berwick were campaigning to effectively ‘redraw’ the border between England and Scotland, while being opposed by other Berwick residents who wanted the border to remain ‘fixed’. Crucially, such activity may go towards acknowledging ways in which ordinary people can construct, shift, and dismantle borders, practices that are normally associated with the state.
However, initial enquiry in to this particular example, as outlined in the following section, reveals something of an empirical cul-de-sac. At the time of writing, there is little, if any, evidence of continued interest from the residents of Berwick regarding this issue, let alone active campaigning. Moreover, the referendum was predominately based upon overtly rational arguments promising potential benefits or drawbacks depending on which side of Berwick the border is located. In other words, aspirations relating to English and Scottish identity seem to be secondary, suggesting that the media was simply using Berwick as a case in point to highlight the disparities between England and Scotland resulting from Scottish devolution.
This section will outline and evaluate the Mock referendum as well as the resulting media interest that surrounds it and conclude that, in terms of the borderwork project, it is something of a red herring.
The mock referendum
The producers of the ‘Tonight’ programme made no qualms as to the rationale behind the mock referendum that took place in Berwick:
‘To highlight concerns about the inequalities between Scotland and England’s public services: with the Scots getting free personal care for the elderly, free higher education, prescriptions and better access to new medicines – exclusive benefits all subsidised by English taxpayers’.
Two residents of Berwick led the campaigning of which Michael Ross sought the pro-Scotland vote and Barbara Herdman led the pro-England vote. Their respective arguments are summed up in their own words:
Michael Ross: ‘Berwick is a very special place and I think is largely forgotten within England. I believe we would be the jewel in the crown of Scotland, I believe our economy would be better understood and better looked after by the Edinburgh government than it is by Westminster’.
Barbara Herdman: ‘I think that Berwick should stay part of England because it’s so unfair what is happening at the moment. The Scots are getting more money than we are. I’m not saying that the Scots should not get what they get, but that we should get the same’.
It is worth noting, here, that benefits for Scotland, as opposed to England, of which the programme was eager to point out, include: Free University fees; Free personal care for the elderly; Free central heating instillation for pensioners; Free school meals for some children, with plans to extend them to children of all ages; Free prescription charges for all by 2011; Free dental checkups and eye tests.
Moreover, the programme features a case study of two students both from Berwick, who show equal enthusiasm to study the same university course, the difference being that one resides just over the Scottish border and will study for free, while the other resides in Berwick and will have to pay over £3000 a year in tuition fees.
In terms of the results, 1,957 votes were polled, compared to some 3,800 in the last local elections, 1,182 (60.4%) voted ‘Yes’ to becoming part of Scotland and 775 (39.6%) voted to stay English. The news of the mock referendum made the local, national and even international media, in some instances even before the programme, and the results, were publicly screened. Nationalist MSP Christine Grahame fuelled many such reports by tabling the following motion evoking elements of culture, history, and of course, allusions to greater economic wellbeing:
Christine Grahame: ‘That the Parliament notes the referendum campaign in Berwick-upon-Tweed, 990 years after the town was ceded to Scotland following the Battle of Carham, to gauge support for the town being returned to the fold of Scottish nationhood; notes that Berwickers are once again considering the benefits of being part of Scotland; recognises the strong levels of support in the town for such a move, which sees the benefits that Scotland has derived from slowly removing the barriers to progress and prosperity by becoming increasingly independent of London control; agrees that we would warmly welcome Berwick-upon-Tweed back into the nation of Scotland as we move to regaining our full independence, and urges Scottish ministers to begin negotiations with HM Government to secure Berwick-upon-Tweed’s restoration as part of the nation of Scotland’.
Supported by: Stuart McMillan, Rob Gibson, Bill Kidd, Roseanna Cunningham, Kenneth Gibson, Bill Wilson, Christina McKelvie.
The resulting headlines were not surprising. Local paper The Berwick Advertiser went with ‘Will Berwick change hands again?’; indicative of the English national press the Independent ran ‘Swapping sides: The English town that wants to be Scottish’; and the BBC News ran the online headline ‘TV poll backs Berwick border move’. All focus upon the theme of better public services, welfare and free education as the primary rationale behind the ‘Yes’ vote.
Those supporting, or supportive of, repositioning the border
Those wanting the border to be relocated, apart from those already mentioned, include the leader of Berwick Borough Council Coun Isabel Hunter, and the leader of the Scottish Borders Council Coun David Parker. They state:
Berwick Borough Council leader Coun. Isabel Hunter: ‘We have got to try to get the same benefits the Scots receive. My 90 year-old mother lives in Berwick and has to pay for care that would be free in Scotland. And I’m paying thousands of pounds for my daughter’s university education which Scots don’t have to’.
Scottish Borders Council leader, Coun. David Parker: ‘What we have always said is if the people of Berwick-upon-Tweed wanted to become part of the Borders we will welcome that. There are strong geographical and social links between Berwick and the Borders and Berwick sits better as part of Berwickshire’.
While not having a direct connection to the mock referendum, it worth noting here, under the theme of nationalism, that Berwick features in the online Scottish tourist guide ‘Undiscovered Scotland’, suggesting perhaps that an online, virtual border, has already been relocated. They state:
Undiscovered Scotland: ‘Why include it [Berwick] in Undiscovered Scotland? In part because it played such an important part is Scottish history; in part because Berwick Rangers football club plays in the Scottish rather than the English league; in part because it’s such a magnificent place to visit; and in part because it nicely rounds off the south eastern corner of our coverage’.
The case for the border remaining fixed
Finding those in favour of the ‘no’ vote, in other words those who wish for Berwick to remain in England was more difficult to come across at least in terms online evidence. Alan Beith, the Liberal Democrat MP for Berwick dismissed the possibility of redrawing the border, while at the same time acknowledging that the mock referendum:
Alan Beith MP: ‘identified the genuine concern that Berwick and other parts of England do not enjoy the free personal care for the elderly and free student tuition rescued by Liberal Democrats when they were part of the coalition government in Scotland and do not enjoy the higher spending levels on schools, highways and other public services financed under the Barnett formula’.
The ongoing debate sparked by the mock referendum, did enter into forums elsewhere, including Facebook as well as the ‘Campaign for an English Parliament’. Indicative of the ‘productive’ responses here, the Oxford branch of the Campaign for an English Parliament state:
Campaign for an English Parliament: ‘Should Berwick actually become part of Scotland, it could be a risky move. Scotland may well have better public services thanks to money from England, but if the UK splits up those public services will undoubtedly become a thing of the past. Then again, the fickle people of Berwick may then decide that the grass is in fact greener in England’s pleasant lands. I say that any official poll on Berwick re-joining Scotland, regardless of the outcome, should be binding for 50 years’.
Evaluation
Evidence suggesting that the respective campaigns have been continued is scarce. At the time of writing, there is no evidence that Barbara Herdman, who led the pro-England, has continued the campaign. Michael Ross, the leader of the pro-Scotland campaign, however, appeared in Channel Four’s ‘A1: The Road Musical’, broadcast on 29 August 2008, musically detailing the A1 road which runs from north London all the way to Edinburgh. According to ‘The Journal’, a community magazine covering Northumbria, Ross sings an angry punk piece informing the Prime Minister that the town should no longer be part of England. The Journal includes an interview given at the time of the referendum campaign relating to issues of personal identity, rather than issues of economic wellbeing. Interestingly, this interview was not prominent in the mainstream UK press at the time of the mock referendum. Moreover, the journal points out that Mr. Ross gave interviews to TV stations from Italy, France, Belgium, Russia, Denmark and other European countries. Mr. Ross states:
Michael Ross: ‘I have always felt like an expat Scot rather than an Englishman. I would rather go to Murrayfield and watch Scotland lose than travel to Twickenham and watch England win’.
It is interesting that, although Nationalist MSPs, the Scottish Borders Council, and online Scottish tourist guides, do allude towards some sort of Scottish identity present within Berwick; issues relating to identity, in other words those who ‘feel’ English or Scottish, were not focused upon in the UK press at the time of the referendum as a rational for moving the border. Michael Ross alluded to a ’special place that is forgotten in England’, and Barbara Herdman essentially responded to this. This has three potential ramifications in terms of borderwork:
1) The UK press in general, not so much had an agenda, but wanted to focus on the disparity between public services and living standards north and south of the border, by way of highlighting problems with the political project of Scottish devolution as it stands.
2) Somewhat connected, in that Scottish/English allegiance (identity) was simply not an issue on the ground, with most residents of Berwick more concerned about public services and living standards, whether instigated from Scotland or England, leaving relocation irrelevant.
3) That the residents of Berwick, whilst still being concerned with issues such as public services, and indeed remoteness from any seat of government, consequently seek to promote Berwick in ways that make debates concerning England or Scotland irrelevant.
The evidence collected thus far, in terms of media output, would favour the first point. While the second point may be true, there is no evidence to suggest that it is a motivation for active borderwork. No doubt the issues still exist, however in the months after the mock referendum there is little evidence for continued campaigning to relocate the border. Therefore, the third point is more interesting. In 2004 the BBC published an article which interviewd a resident of Berwick about the ongoing debate about which side of the border Berwick should reside. Martin Thompson, 39, who has lived in Berwick all his life states:
Martin Thompson: ‘It’s not the first time. Everyone knows about the history and the town changing hands. A lot of people think it is in Scotland but I suppose that’s what happens when you are so close to the border. If you look at it from a financial point of view, it would probably be a lot better for the town because of all the subsidies. But I can’t see anything changing. I think there would be a 50/50 split in the town. I don’t think it’s really an issue for people in the town, but everybody is aware of the history. I think anyone who is born and bred here is quite proud of the history because it’s unique’.
Furthermore, Alan Hughes, the vicar of Berwick, writing in The Scotsman within the context of devolution states:
Alan Hughes: ‘My plea to the folk of England and Scotland is, before you divorce, come and have some counselling in Berwick-upon-Tweed before it is too late’.
The two statements suggest that Berwick has an identity of own whilst retaining an intrinsic relationship to the English/Scottish border. One possibility here, is that Berwick may define its own identity form the border, rather than having an identity imposed upon it from those either side of the border i.e. England or Scotland. Moreover, the relationship between Berwick and the border maybe redefined in such a way that the Berwick’s relationship to the border negates local geography altogether. Evidence alluding to these possibilities was not present or reflected in the media output surrounding the mock referendum.
There has been academic research conducted in this area. A study published in 2000 in sociological research online, looked into Berwick’s distinct and ‘unusual’ strategy for identity construction that allows the town to ’side-step’ dilemmas relating to national identity (Kiely, McCrone, Bechhofer & Stewart, 2000). Kiely, McCrone, Bechhofer and Stewart state:
‘We have interviewed many respondents about their national identity. In general, individuals unproblematically claimed a national identity when they possessed the appropriate markers such as place of birth, upbringing, residence and ancestry, which are often seen to be the most unequivocal signals of a person’s national identity. For instance, if someone was born, raised and lived in England, and had English parents, they would claim to be English, be thought of as English by others, and these claims and attributions would be generally affirmed by a broader audience. In Berwick-upon-Tweed things are different. People from the town regularly transgress some of the most common identity rules and develop alternative ones of their own. Indeed, people in the town turned out to be claiming, attributing, rejecting, accepting and side-stepping national identity, in ways that we had seldom or never previously encountered’ (Kiely, McCrone, Bechhofer & Stewart, 2000: 1.6).
Interestingly, the study found that most residents did not consider themselves to have a strong Northumberland identity, while at the same time, the majority of residents did not feel part of the Scottish borders region considering this to be a cross border identity or tantamount to being Scottish (Kiely, McCrone, Bechhofer & Stewart, 2000: 1.6), thus emphasising the idea of Berwick being unique.
Networked Berwick
The importance of Berwick, then, in relation to borderwork does not lie in the mock referendum. Rather, Berwick may use the border as a conduit to the wider world, as the gateway to transnational networks that take Berwick beyond debates concerning its location within either England or Scotland. To this end, the following section will offer evidence to suggest that, by using the border, Berwick is cultivating its own identity. Indeed, the creation of new opportunities for bordering provided by transnational networks is another area of the borderwork project. In other words, this section seeks to progress the argument that the relationship between Berwick and the border is being reconfigured, that the border re-orientates Berwick towards global socio-cultural landscapes, and not necessarily towards immediate neighbours (Durrschmidt and Taylor, 2007: 54). The difficulty arising from this, however, is showing exactly how the border is being used to achieve this in relation to borderwork.
The following section will outline transnational networks that Berwick is involved in, as well as the way in which Berwick constructs a sense of individuality and identity. It will analyse the importance such network involvement and identity affirmation has for Berwick, and borderwork in general.
Cittaslow
In 2006 the mayor of Ludlow, the town leading Cittaslow UK, made a visit to Berwick. The local paper, the Berwick Advertiser, reported this and again in January 2007. BBC News reported Berwick joining Cittaslow in September 2007. It went with the sub-headline:
BBC News: ‘A Northumberland town has joined an elite worldwide club, which helps small communities retain their identity in the face of globalisation’.
Moreover, BBC News featured Shona Alexander, the town’s regeneration director, stating the logic behind the bid:
Shona Alexander: ‘We worked closely with Ludlow in preparing our bid and we’re absolutely delighted and confident it will mean real jobs for real people in the town. We’re famous for high-quality local produce, such as salmon, cheese and ice-cream, and we also have some excellent accommodation. We’ve got a lot of good things going on in Berwick and this is a way of bringing them together and to encourage people to visit us’.
The Walled Towns Friendship Circle
Berwick is a member of the The Walled Towns Friendship circle, an international association for the sustainable development of walled towns which consists of 152 similar (walled) towns from around the world. It was founded in the town of Tenby in South Wales in 1989. At the time of writing there is no data to show when Berwick joined the network, however Berwick requested membership details in April 2007, and other data suggests that membership was granted no later than July of the same year. The association designates a prestigious World Walled Town Award every three years, of which Berwick, on the advice of English Heritage, intends to enter in 2011. The Berwick Advertiser reports:
Mr Kirton, head of regeneration for Berwick Council: ‘The Berwick town walls are a centrepiece of the heritage and visitor offer in the town; essentially they are our Hadrian’s Wall or York Minster. They are a major asset to the town but are underutilised and undersold as a focus for heritage, tourism and town centre purposes. Whether or not a bid was successful, bidding for World Walled Town status would provide the impetus and best practice framework for a major improvement in the way we all promote and utilise the walls’.
Moreover, the association holds an annual symposium in a designated member town, of which Berwick is proposing itself as a suitable location in the near future.
Tourism
The involvement with Cittaslow, The Walled Towns Friendship circle and indeed the slow food movement may have influenced the decision within Berwick to ‘go it alone’ and produce their own tourist guide. While the Northumberland Tourism attempted to make a case for the inclusion of Berwick in a general Northumberland tourist guide, Tim Kirton, head of regeneration services at Berwick, stated that the first Berwick tourist guide published the previous year was a great success, attracting attention from far and wide. He states:
Tim Kirton: ‘An attractive and effective holiday guide and increasingly an associated website have proved essential to marketing the borough throughout Britain and Europe and indeed beyond’.
However it must be mentioned here, echoing the discussion in section 1, that, while in favour of an independent guide, Berwick Councillor Anthony Houghton called for more to be done to market the area as a ‘Gateway for Scotland’. He states:
Coun. Anthony Houghton: ‘Berwick does not sit well in the Northumberland offer. In fact Berwick is probably better featured in the website ‘Undiscovered Scotland’.
However, a Council report by Tim Kirton and Lorna Suthren, tourism resources officer, states:
Tim Kirton and Lorna Suthren: ‘It is anticipated that the main themes in 2008 would be “Walls and Bridges” and include:
1) A celebration of key bridge crossings throughout the Borough to symbolise the Borough reaching out across borders to welcome visitors.
2) A celebration of the Berwick Elizabethan Town Walls to reflect our membership of the pan-European Walled Towns Friendship Circle and a proposed bid to become “Walled Town of the Year”.
3) A Berwick being declared Europe’s latest “Cittaslow” town.
4) A The Borough-wide Slow Food Convivium which will have a celebratory event in 2008′.
Moreover, an independent report commissioned for the Northumberland Strategic Partnership and Northumberland Tourism, who wanted Berwick to be included in a general tourist guide, states the future vision for Berwick upon Tweed as a visitor destination will include:
‘By 2018 Berwick will have an international profile as the destination where England meets Scotland and the River Tweed meets the sea’.
While at the same time Berwick will become:
‘A thriving artistic community and distinctive retail and food and drink sectors enliven the well maintained historic environment, which together give Berwick the feel of a mini Mediterranean principality’.
The Berwick International Film and Media Arts Festival
Beginning in 2005, Berwick has played host to its own International festival organised by two local artists Huw Davies (who is now professor and Dean of Art, design and Technology at the University of Derby) and Marcus Coates. Of the last three events proper (2006 was a reduced event in preparation for the following year), 2005 and 2008 were heavily influenced by the theme of borders. Referring to the 2005 event, the official website states:
The Berwick International Film and Media Arts Festival website: ‘With a ‘Crossing Borders’ theme, the programme of feature films and artists’ videos set out to explore the boundaries that define and sometimes confine our lives, with work that encourages us to cross these geographical, cultural, economic, moral or artistic borders and broaden our horizons’.
What is perhaps intriguing is a return to the theme of borders in 2008 under the title ‘Inner States’. Referring to the 2008 event, the official website states:
The Berwick International Film and Media Arts Festival website: ‘INNER STATES, likewise echoes the geographical and historic status of Berwick as the most disputed town across two British nations, a unique state of inter-dependence at the root of much destruction, pride and confusion over the centuries. The focus of the programme will be on works that explore states of independence, turmoil and peace: visionary directors, haunted heroes, beleaguered nations, maverick spirits, all mapping the confused geography of the human psyche, pushing boundaries – and drawing new borders’.
The 2008 event was in conjunction with Northumberland Lights, who in the same year had organised a series of events to take place in Berwick entitled ‘The State of Berwick’. The Inner States festival is interesting in that, while obviously being organised beforehand, it took place in the same year as the mock referendum. In many ways the contrasts are striking. While both focused on the border, the mock referendum concentrated on whether the town was, or for differing reasons, should, become Scottish or remain English. The media festival, on the other hand, focused on the idea crossing borders, and the experiences of moving from one place to another, alluding to a world beyond the border. One particular art instillation projected the images of local school children onto a giant screen above the town’s old bridge, of which founding partner and co-director Marcus Coates stated:
Marcus Coates: ‘[we] wanted to put Berwick’s future, rather than Berwick’s well-known past to the top of the festival agenda’.
It must be said, however, that while the film and arts festival attracts international recognition, its main sponsors come from closer to home, predominantly from the north east of England, with some support coming from north of the border. This is interesting when placed within the context of the 2000 study published in Sociological Research online, which found that a majority of residents in Berwick did not relate to, or use, Northumberland identity.
Evaluation
Clearly Berwick is part of different transnational networks. Indeed, in a further example, Berwick is looking to Europe to develop it harbour, but interestingly not just for financial aid, but also for partner ports, as Shona Alexander, director of regeneration and development at Berwick Borough Council states:
Shona Alexander: ‘We are working together to see how it might be upgraded and improved. It is possible that we might be able to attract financial support from Europe to improve the handling facilities in Berwick harbour and strengthen links with other European ports’.
Furthermore, ‘approaches are to be made to see whether Berwick meets the funding criteria, and can identify suitable partner ports in other parts of Europe. If so, applications could be lodged by early next year’.
On one level the border between England and Scotland and Berwick’s location to it remains prominent, and provides Berwick with an intriguing identity in terms of not being Quite Scottish or fully English. However the border also becomes something more. It defines Berwick’s identity in such a way that allows Berwick to network itself beyond England and Scotland. The difficulty still remains, however, in describing how the residents of Berwick are using the border to achieve this.
Concluding Remarks
This report summarised what was described as potentially the most visible aspect of borderwork in Berwick: residents actively campaigning to relocate the border either north or south of Berwick based upon the perception of better living standards such a relocation would provide. However initial enquiry deems this to be problematic and over simplistic. There is no strong evidence to suggest that campaigning was continued beyond the initial interest generated by the mock referendum and its subsequent broadcast. Furthermore, somewhat interesting and substantial debates concerning identity were relatively absent from the media debate, when compared to issues of social wellbeing.
In contrast, other examples of borderwork within Berwick are becoming established based upon a sense of uniqueness. The way Berwick has tried to network itself is a particularly interesting and more creditable area of research in relation to the borderwork project, as it highlights an aspect of borderwork that is perhaps less visible: the ability of residents to negate the border altogether. This is interesting in that it implies the seemingly contradictory idea that individuals or groups can use the border to their advantage, in order to negate the border altogether. In other words, in the case of Berwick, rather than the border being imposed, as has happened throughout its long history, the idea of networks allows Berwick to use the border to its advantage and project its identity and distinctiveness in different, transnational ways.
Bibliography
Durrschmidt, J. Taylor, G. (2007) Globalization, Modernity and Social Change (London: Palgrave Macmillan).
Kiely, R. McCrone, D. Bechhofer, F. Stewart, R. (2000) ‘Debatable Land: National and Local Identity in a Border Town’, Sociological Research Online, vol. 5, no. 2. www.socresonline.org.uk/5/2/kiely.html
